The author of the text, Anna Čujová, is an economist. She completed her undergraduate studies at the Cracow University of Economics. In turn, she defended her master’s degree at the University of Rome “La Sapienza”. She is currently continuing her education through an Erasmus+ project at the Institute of Sociology at Jagiellonian University in Krakow. Her research interests include the position of women in the labor market, unemployment and the sociology of work. She is of Slovak descent, and in her research she addresses topics related to women, family and the unemployed in Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic.

Housing

MRC inhabit individuals who are Romani typically settling in peripheral parts of villages and towns and displaying signs of poverty and social exclusion (Rusnáková & Pollák, 2016). The housing infrastructure of Romani communities is characterized by a significant portion of their population residing in housing units typical for their ethnic group. As much as 19% of the Romani population lives in housing units other than houses or apartments. These are most often wooden huts, mobile homes, or basement flats. It is estimated that the number of Roma living in such conditions reaches nearly 47 thousand, accounting for about 11% of the Romani population in Slovakia (Ravasz et al., 2020). Housing units are located around villages or towns, on formally designated plots, forming Romani settlements. The considerable distance of these settlements from the town centers to which they belong is a manifestation of the segregation phenomenon experienced by the Romani minority. Research has shown that spatial segregation of Romani from town centers does not imply communicational exclusion. Over 90% of Romani settlements have direct access to a bus stop located no further than 2 km away (Ravasz et al., 2020).

Exclusion of Roma is manifested at the infrastructural level. Compared to the general population of Slovakia, 30% fewer citizens in the Romani population have access to running water (Ravasz et al., 2020). This is due to a lack of built infrastructure or insufficient funds to install water supply systems in residential units. One-third of households in the MRC environment lack sewage systems, meaning that some Roma do not have a shower or toilet in their homes at all. Additionally, every fourteenth household lacks electrical installations, and every seventh has improperly installed electrical wiring (Grauzelová & Markovič, 2018; Ravasz et al., 2020).

The issue of Romani housing in marginalized communities is crucial primarily because of its impact on the potential for further development and integration of individuals into society. Dramatic housing conditions are mainly a result of the low income levels of Romani households, directly affecting their quality of life. Inadequate hygiene conditions, lack of relaxation opportunities after work, and insufficient space for learning significantly hinder the implementation of lasting changes in health and professional habits.

Education

The lack of effective educational methods for individuals belonging to non-assimilated social groups (i.e., MRC communities) mainly stems from a lack of understanding of their living conditions. As demonstrated earlier, difficult housing conditions and limited family resources are burdensome enough to hinder the standard process of learning and child development.

Objective factors affecting the education of Romani children and their educational achievements mainly revolve around economic and housing issues. In Romani settlements, children have limited opportunities to prepare for school due to the lack of a separate space where they can focus on studying. Additionally, frequent power outages or lack of electricity are common issues. Another barrier is the involvement of children in household chores, such as taking care of younger siblings or helping with household tasks. These activities consume a significant portion of the child’s free time and make it difficult for them to prepare for school lessons. Their efforts are often not appreciated, and by performing tasks far beyond their developmental age, children are subjected to parental demands (Hooper, 2011; Schier, 2014). Based on these facts, it can be concluded that Romani children from MRC face barriers to education for many reasons. The environment in which they grow up, different socialization, and low levels of cultural capital and language skills are significant obstacles that significantly impact their initial educational situation when starting school (Liba, 2018; Šprocha, 2011).

An essential factor hindering the education of Romani children is the lack of knowledge of the Slovak language, which is the language of instruction in all schools in Slovakia. Research conducted on the Romani population has shown that the further Romani communities reside from integrated society, the greater the role of the Romani language in their daily communication. In over 60% of settlements located outside cities, the Romani language is used as the primary language. In more integrated Romani communities, only 16% of households exclusively use the Romani language (Ravasz et al., 2020). Other data indicate that in 82% of households where preschool-age children reside, daily communication occurs in the Romani language. As a result, children from these families likely enter preschool or school without sufficient proficiency in the language of instruction (Grauzelová & Markovič, 2018). This problem is exacerbated mainly in southern Slovakia, where besides the Romani language, the Hungarian language also predominates. The Slovak language is often unknown to individuals growing up in these environments, despite being the official language (Ravasz, 2017).

The unfavorable financial situation of Romani living in settlements distant from city centers, along with negative attitudes towards educating children, both from parents, make the journey to primary school a less attractive and disadvantageous educational option in the Romani community’s opinion (Ravasz et al., 2020; Šprocha, 2011). However, it is worth noting that one motivating factor for children to attend school may be the opportunity to receive financial support for the family, which is granted based on reporting children’s attendance at school (MPSVaR, 2024).

In addition to material barriers, there are also aspirational barriers. Individual perceptions of opportunities for achieving social success and attitudes towards the ideology of success have a significant impact on shaping individuals’ career aspirations. These aspirations significantly determine the level of education attained and the employment opportunities in the job market (Šprocha, 2011).

It is important to consider that the education process of Romani and the associated educational structure are highly complex and multidimensional issues, conditioned by various factors (Balážová, 2016; Šprocha, 2011). Observing the model of upbringing of descendants in the Romani community, one can see that their traditional education is communal in nature. Children participate in daily activities at home, where they acquire values and norms by listening to and observing adult members of the community. They are treated as “little adults” – they are not expected to seek permission when expressing their needs or desires. However, the value system in which Romani children are raised is often incompatible with the values ​​adopted in the school educational system. Many Romani children have difficulties adapting to the new environment after starting school. They often exhibit a negative attitude towards schooling, which may be the result of negative experiences, such as academic failures or rejection by peers. For many of them, attending school is an extremely difficult experience because it involves leaving their family, siblings, and the need to control their emotions in a new environment (Šprocha, 2011).

The inclusion of Romani children in the education system encounters objective obstacles. One of them is the lack of consideration for differences in social age (Włodarczyk, 2010) between Romani and non-Romani children, while another obstacle is the improper setting of the educational process, which assumes the necessity of daily preparation for lessons, often with the help of parents (Šprocha, 2011). Yet another obstacle is the widespread phenomenon of interrupting education before completion or failure to continue education after completing primary school. Research indicates the following reasons for this phenomenon: lack of interest in learning, financial difficulties, and the need to help parents with household chores and care for siblings (Balážová, 2016).

The aforementioned phenomena and problems are closely related to the issues discussed earlier, especially the problem of unemployment. Lack of adequate education and qualifications needed for well-paying jobs leads to unstable financial situations, poor housing conditions, and limits the educational opportunities of subsequent generations. This is an example of the poverty trap – the intergenerational transmission of negative family patterns – resulting from neglect by public authorities, which over the years have contributed to the gradual separation and marginalization of the Romani community.

Fot. Unsplash